June 29, 2014 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) has underscored it repulsed an attack carried out by the rebel Sudanese People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) to retake strategic areas in South Kordofan.

The SPLM-N said they had carried out an attack against government forces in Alatmor, in its second bid to retake the strategic area located east of the state capital Kadugli, following its capture by the SAF earlier this month.

SPLM-N spokesperson Arnu Ngutulu Loddi on Saturday said they had inflicted heavy casualties on government troops, killing 15 soldiers and destroying a tank T-55 and six vehicles.

SAF spokesperson, Alsawarmi Khaled Saad, said the SPLM-N launched a desperate attack to retake Alatmor after being driven out of it by SAF on June 6.

He said in statements posted on the Sudanese Defense Ministry website that SAF repulsed the attack and seized military equipments and vehicles, pointing they killed 50 SPLM-N fighters and injured many others.

Alatmor is located between Um Sirdiba and Dalko, to the east of South Kordofan state capital, Kadugli. It is considered a strategic area and advanced position towards Kauda, a rebel stronghold in the Nuba Mountains.

Meanwhile, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) spokesperson, Al-Nazeer Mohamed Abakar, said the rebel troops which were driven out of Alatmor shelled Kadugli, the capital of South Kordofan state using 120 mm mortar which led to the injury of three children.

He said the rebels aimed to make a media bang to cover their recent defeats, adding that SAF and RSF managed to disperse the rebel forces and seize large quantities of military equipment.

SAF had earlier announced that rebels cannot attack Kadugli following victories it achieved in the eastern areas.

The Sudanese army and its militias intensified attacks on the SPLM-N rebels in South Kordofan in a large counterinsurgency campaign called “Decisive Summer”.

The border states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile state have been the scene of violent conflict since 2011 when the SPLM-N launched an insurgency against the Khartoum regime.

Peace talks between the two parties remain deadlocked after they failed to reach a common ground for negotiations. While the government says it is only willing to discuss the conflict in the Two Areas, the SPLM-N is demanding a comprehensive peace process.

(ST)

June 29, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – South Sudanese rebels of the armed faction of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by the former vice-president Riek Machar, have reacted to the ranking of the country as the world's “most fragile” state, saying they were not surprised by the “unfortunate” outcome of the assessment as indicators of becoming a “failed state” were clearly “written on the wall.”

The report was released last week by the Fund for Peace, a Washington-based organization that compiles the annual list based on the performance of countries around the world.

South Sudan topped the list of fragile states, ending Somalia's six-year lead at the top of the index, with fractious leadership, mass killings and ethnic violence cited as some of the factors contributing to the ranking.

The index is based on 12 key social, economic and political indicators, including demographic pressures, poverty and economic decline, human rights and political impasse.

Reacting to the report, the deputy speaker in the South Sudanese national parliament, Mark Nyipuoc Obang, criticized the international organization for putting his country on the top of the list.

Obang who became the first government official to respond to the assessment argued that his country, which split from Sudan in July 2011, was still a young nation, likening it to a child, and should not be compared to other nations.

“You cannot use social indicators from the countries which have been independent for more than 50 years with a country which is just two years old,” he told Sudan Tribune.

“It's just like a two-year-old child, which cannot be expected to do things adult do. We are just starting from scratch … These countries that are mentioned in the reports have industries which support the economy of the country. They also have other sources of revenues,” Obang further argued.

However, James Gatdet Dak, spokesperson for the leader of the SPLM in Opposition, Riek Machar, said the leadership of the movement was not surprised by the outcome of the assessment.

“Even if we were to take that line of argument which likens South Sudan to a two or three-year old child, we would also have expected the child to grow like a normal, healthy child. The so-called child should have crawled fast, walked and even run by year three, 2014. These are the assuring positive indicators of a healthy growth into adolescence and adulthood,” Dak told Sudan Tribune when contacted on Sunday.

‘Unfortunately the reverse has happened as the child is paralyzing, a clear indicator that it is not a healthy child. This is a grave concern to the people of South Sudan and to the sympathizing world at large. They ask the question, what is wrong with this child? And this brings us to the six points our chairman, Dr. Riek Machar, raised in the past when he was the vice president,” Dak added.

Dak said his boss raised alarming concerns that growing tribalism, corruption, insecurity, stagnant economy, poor international relations and loss of vision and direction in the ruling SPLM party are clear indicators which “malnourished the child, preventing it from normal, healthy growth.”

“Dr. Riek Machar and his colleagues raised these obvious factors which were polluting the environment, but the reaction by Salva Kiir was to violently kick him out and imposed on him the current war,” he further asserted.

He however argued that it was also an unacceptable excuse to say the country was a child, saying the leaders who would have managed the country's affairs are adults and not new. Many of them have vast experiences for 40 or 50 years, he said, revealing that the South Sudanese cabinet even before the independence also had six PhD holders with vast experiences.

“They knew very well how to nourish a child in order to make it grow healthier to adulthood, but maybe some chose not to do it,” he said.

He also pointed out that there were six years of interim period during which the former Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) should have prepared for the expected with the vast oil resources the country had.

South Sudan is plunged into a deep crisis for the last six months due to a conflict which started within the ruling party over the future of the country and its leadership.

A shaky IGAD-mediated peace process between the two warring parties has been on and off in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, to try and resolve the violent crisis through a political settlement.

(ST)

June 29, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – Members of Bani Hussein tribe in Khartoum demonstrated in front of the national assembly on Sunday to protest against the increase in killings and attacks in al-Siraif locality in the state of North Darfur.

Leaders of Abbala and Beni Hussein tribes from North Darfur's El Sereif area cheer after signing a reconciliation agreement in El Fasher, on Saturday July 27, 2013. (Photo by Albert Gonzalez Farran/UNAMID/AP)

The protesters handed a memorandum to the parliament speaker al-Fatih Izzeldin which noted that 1,013 people were killed and 700 injured since violent events broke out last year. They called on the government to put an end to the security breakdown there.

More than a year ago, inter-tribal clashes broke out between members of the rival Arab Northern Rezeigat (Aballa) and Beni Hussein, fighting for control of gold mines located in Jebel Amer. Heavy weapons were reportedly used in these clashes.

An MP from the region by the name of Ali Adam Sheika said afterwards that the death toll topped 510 people with 865 injured. He further revealed that 68 villages were completely burned, 120 partially burned and at least 15,000 families displaced.

Last June,12 people were killed and 36 injured in renewed clashes.

The head of the Shura council of Bani Hussein Masar al-Douma said they will meet the ministers of defense and interior as part of their lobbying efforts to remedy this situation.

He said that their region has been besieged since 4 months ago by armed groups, adding that residents are living in tragic conditions and suffering from shortages in food and medicine.

Al-Douma explained that their memo contained demands for the government to enforce security, lift the siege and open the roads while warning of famine threat.

"We will declare famine if the government does not interfere," he said.

(ST)

June 29, 2014 (KAMPALA) – Uganda has agreed to deploy 736 troops to an East African intervention force for rapid response to regional conflicts, according to media reports.

Uganda leader Yoweri Museveni Kaguta (New Vision photo)

Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, according to Uganda's Daily Monitor newspaper, announced this at the African Union meeting in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea on Thursday.

“Uganda pledges to provide 736 officers and men for the Eastern African Standby Force,” said Museveni, also new chairman of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC).

Ten countries, including five East African nations, reportedly signed the agreement in support of the regional military initiative. Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Comoros and Seychelles were the other signatories to the deal.

The Ugandan leader reportedly promised that his country would do whatever it takes to ensure that the regional force succeeds, saying “We shall pay our assessed share of finance".

Rwanda, whose president Paul Kagame chaired the signing of the agreement, is also believed to have committed a motorised battalion of 850 troops, as well as 35 additional medical personnel and 10 vehicles.

Uganda deployed a contingent of its army in South Sudan to provide military support to government troops, but has been under intense pressure from opposition forces to withdraw from the new nation.

The East African regional bloc (IGAD) mediating peace talks between South Sudan's warring factions, is pushing for the deployment of a regional protection force to enforce a January ceasefire deal.

The opposition, however, opposed IGAD's proposal, saying regional forces could widen the conflict.

(ST)

By Lam Akol

June 30, 2014 - In October 2010, the Southern Sudan Political Parties concluded a conference in Juba and a Final Communiqué which marked the road map for working together before, during and after the referendum was agreed upon. Thus, the Political Parties Leadership Forum (PPLF) was formed to follow up the implementation of the resolutions of the Conference. It was headed by H.E. SalvaKiirMayardit, the President of GOSS and Chairman of the SPLM, with heads of the other Southern Political Parties as members. Dr. RiekMachar, the VP of GOSS was the Rapporteur in his capacity as the chair of the Forum's Secretariat.

The PPLF's last meeting before the referendum decided to hold its next meeting one week after the announcement of the final result of the referendum. This result was announced on the 7th of February with an overwhelming majority in favor of separation of the South. Hence, the PPLF was to meet on the 14th of February 2011. Before the scheduled meeting, the President of GOSS issued a decree appointing a 24-person Constitutional Review Committee, to review the Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan, 2005. All of them, save one, were from the SPLM.

South Sudan Political Parties, SSPP, met and rejected the action as unilateral and contrary to the spirit and letter of the resolutions of the All Southern Sudanese Political Parties Conference of October 2010. A delegation sent by them on 25th of January 2011 to meet the President of GOSS in order to straighten the matter was not met despite a prior firm appointment.

When the Political Parties Leadership Forum met in Juba on 16-17th February 2011, the discussion centred on the formation of the Constitutional Review Committee, and the matter was resolved, or so it seemed, by the addition of 11 persons from the South Sudan Political Parties, 1 from civil society, and 2 from faith-based groups. To the surprise of the SSPP and the people of South Sudan, a decree was issued four days later by the President of GOSS adding 17 more people to the CRC, all of them SPLM members, pushing their number to 40. Thus, what was meant to be a small committee acquired a membership of 54!!

The meetings of the expanded CRC were shrouded with lack of clarity on the side of the SPLM, which held all positions of chairpersons of the sub-committees, and their total disrespect to the members of SSPP leading to their inevitable withdrawal from the Committee on the 7th of March 2011. Since then, the CRC continued its work without the participation of SSPP members. The Chairman of the PPLF did not see such a serious development as warranting a meeting of the Leadership Forum. Therefore, the draft Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, now being discussed, was the work of the SPLM alone. Political parties and others who stayed on in the Committee do not seem to have changed anything.

WHAT IS THE LEGAL BASIS OF THE REVIEW PROCESS?

It is important to be clear from the outset of the constitutional basis of reviewing the ICSS 2005. Is it a constitutional amendment, or is it a process that gets its legitimacy from the popular consensus built at the “All Southern Sudanese Political Parties Conference” held in October 2010? Each of the two situations has far-reaching implications. If it is to be considered an amendment of ICSS, then Article 206 (2) would apply. Sub-section (2) of this Article states the following:

“Any amendment affecting the provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement shall be introduced only with the approval of both Parties signatory to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.”

Surely, the review of ICSS affects the provisions of the CPA, and the country is still one up to the time the amendment would be debated by the SSLA. The implication of this is that we shall need the approval of the National Congress Party (strictly, the Government of Sudan) of the draft before it is tabled before the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly. Is this what the Southerners want to happen? Do they want the NCP to have a veto on our future constitution?

One does not subscribe to the notion that this exercise is an amendment. The reason is that an amendment causes changes in a constitution while the main body remains intact. This draft is a new constitution all together because it transforms the ICSS from a regional constitution to a national one. In other words, the character of the ICSS has totally changed. This be the case, there should be no rush to introduce the draft constitution before the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly at least two months before deliberation as required by Article 206(1) of ICSS 2005. Southerners should take their time to debate this important document.

If the review process gets its legitimacy from the will of the Southern People, as represented by their parties in the October Conference, then the basis of that is the resolutions of that Conference as summarized in the Final Communique issued on 17th October 2011. One cannot be selective as to what is the constitutional basis of the review process.

CAN THE ICSS REMAIN AS THE CONSTITUTION OF A SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT SOUTH SUDAN?

This is a crucial question. It is the essence of Article 208(7) that the SPLM often quotes as the justification for the continuation of the current institutions of the regional Government of Southern Sudan into the new independent state after 9th of July 2011. We shall deal in what follows with the fallacy of this argument.

If Article 208(7) of ICSS 2005, were to hold, then:

(i)The Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan 2005, (ICSS), would have remained in force as it is after the 9th of July 2011, and there would have been no need to carry out a constitutional review process as is currently the case. This review process is all about transforming a regional or sub-national constitution into a national one. That is, to provide for the sovereign constitutional needs of the new independent and sovereign state. It is not and can never be about removing parts that got repealed, for those parts are already redundant.
(ii)The new Republic of South Sudan would be without national and sovereignty institutions, such as the President of the Republic, foreign affairs, national judicial organs, etc. This is because there are no provisions in the ICSS on such matters, since ICSS is a regional or sub-national constitution. This is the meaning of Article 208(7) when it provides that:

“If the outcome of the referendum on self-determination favors secession, this Constitution shall remain in force as the Constitution of a sovereign and independent Southern Sudan, and the parts, chapters, articles, sub-articles and schedules of this Constitution that provide for national institutions, representation, rights and obligations shall be deemed to have been duly repealed.”

Why would a national constitution repeal national institutions, etc.?

The meaning of Article 208(7) as it stands, is that “this Constitution shall remain in force as the Constitution of a sovereign and independent Southern Sudan” with the repeal of the matters mentioned therein. But, can it be a constitution of a sovereign and independent State without national and sovereignty stipulations? No. Therefore, it is not sufficient to repeal only as the said article stipulates (in fact, a repealed article is already inapplicable and should not be a problem) but to add as well, an aspect not covered by the provisions of the article. Thus, for Article 208(7) to be relevant, it must have dealt with the provisions to be added not only with those to be repealed. It is evident that Article 208(7) was copied without rumination from Article 226(10) of the Interim National Constitution, which stipulates:

“If the outcome of the referendum on self-determination favors secession, the parts, chapters, articles, sub-articles and schedules of this Constitution that provide for Southern Sudan institutions, representation, rights and obligations shall be deemed to have been duly repealed.”

In the case of the Interim National Constitution, there was no need for an immediate review of it since it already provides for national and sovereignty matters and repeal of some of its parts that relate to Southern Sudan do not affect its national character. In contrast, ICSS could not become a national constitution without adding national and sovereignty provisions. This is a most fundamental point.

The sine qua non for the review of the ICSS is to transform it from a regional constitution into a national one. In other words, to add national and sovereignty provisions and delete provisions that were no longer relevant. The review was not meant to change relevant provisions (such as substituting “Minority Leader” for “Leader of the Opposition”). Nor was it meant to introduce matters that require consensus such as whether the system of government is to be parliamentary or presidential, or whether the Parliament should be bicameral or a single house. This consensus can only be built in the National Constitutional Conference which would be convened during the transitional period.

THE ROAD MAP FOR INDEPENDENT SOUTH SUDAN

The Final Communique issued on the 17th of October 2010 by the “All Southern Sudanese Political Parties Conference” spelt out clearly the issues that need to be tackled should the outcome of the referendum favour secession of South Sudan (Point 3b of the Communique). For the ease of reference, we summarize them below:
1. There shall be a Transitional Period as from 9th July 2011, the length of which shall be agreed upon by all the parties.
2. H.E. SalvaKiir, President of GOSS, is to be the President of the Republic of South Sudan during the Transitional Period.
3. There shall be formed a national broad-based transitional government. i.e., power sharing.
4. As soon as the result of the referendum was announced the Government of Southern Sudan shall form a Constitutional Review Commission to review the current Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan 2005, to be adopted by the SSLA as the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan.
5. GoSS shall convene an all-party National Constitutional Conference to discuss and agree on the Permanent Constitution.
6. General Elections shall be held at the end of the Transitional Period to elect the Constituent Assembly that shall promulgate the permanent constitution.
This was the consensus reached at the Conference and should have been binding to all political parties, civil society and faith-based groups that took part in that Conference. As we go through the document it is abundantly clear that all these points, even No.2, were not strictly honoured by the SPLM in their draft constitution.
.

THE SALIENT FEATURES OF THE DRAFT CONSTITUTION:
The draft Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan 2011, is tailored to suit one party, the SPLM. It is exclusive, full of contradictions and concentrates power in the hands of the President. The following are the salient features of the draft constitution:
1. There is no provision for power sharing with Southern political parties. This is a violation of the road map above.
2. The Transitional Period of four years from 9th July 2011 (Articles: 66, 100 and 163(5)) is long. Transitions are characterized by short periods (not more than two years) so that elected institutions take over. Political parties were not consulted on this matter, which is a clear violation of the road map.
3. Centralization of powers. For example:
(a)- The President is given the power to remove a Governor and dissolve the State Legislative Assembly (Article 192 (r and s)).
(b)- Appointments of Ministers in the States is made in consultation with the President (Article 164(2)).
(c)- The Schedule on the powers of the State is trimmed down ( points 7, 12, 18, 29 and 44 are struck off). The Schedules should have remained as they were, only the one pertaining to the Government of Southern Sudan should have been cancelled, because it was no longer relevant.
(d)- The State is stripped off of its powers in relation to the Police (article 115 (1)), and other uniformed forces. It is left with running state prisons and reformatories (The new point 12 of the Schedule).
(e)- Avoidance of defining the decentralized system as a federal system. The Southerners have struggled since early 1950s for a federal system in Sudan, it cannot be denied them in their hardly won country.
4. An attempt to control the National Constitutional Conference (Articles 200 and 201).
The National Constitutional Conference embodies the political will of the people and is
therefore above anything else. It should be convened first, then and only then
can it form a committee to look into writing the permanent constitution.
5. Introduction of a new chamber of Parliament (The Council of States), which is a matter
that needs Southern consensus and is not of a transitional nature. The decision on
whether to have a bicameral parliament or not must await the NCC.
The only reason for introducing the “Council of States” at this stage was explained by the Committee thus:
“The Committee has made this suggestion in recognition of the former Southern Sudanese representatives of the Council of States of the national Government of Sudan.”
[Report of the Technical Committee to Review ICSS, 2005, p.17]
Therefore, this new chamber is introduced just for accommodation and not for a functional need during the transitional period.
6. Members of the National Assembly in Khartoum are added onto the members of the
SSLA to constitute the new “National Legislative Assembly”. This will have a
membership of about 270, almost all of them from the SPLM.
No justification for the suggested reconstitution of the SSLA and introduction of the
Council of State, except to accommodate SPLM members in the National Legislature in
Khartoum. Furthermore, members of the National Assembly in Khartoum were elected
for a different parliament in a different country, Sudan.
7. The Leader of the Opposition is now to be known as “Minority Leader”, an unfamiliar
terminology in Sudan.
8. Introduction of the position of “Deputy Minister”. Not necessary during the transitional period, as the ministerial load can easily be discharged by the Minister.
9. The Abyei Area is added to the South without due regard to the provisions of the CPA on
the matter. This is tantamount to taking a unilateral decision on the issue. Abyei may
become part of the South Sudan only if it voted to do so in accordance with the CPA
provisions.
10. No specific mention of a date for the general elections at the end of the transitional
period.
11. No term limit to the tenure of the President. Any President must serve for not more than
two terms only.
12. In the event the position of the President falls vacant, the successor is to be appointed
(Article 102(2)) within fourteen days. This is unacceptable. If the transitional period is to
be more than two years, then the president must be elected within 60 days from the
vacancy of the position. Otherwise, the Vice president should complete the term left up
to the general elections. The procedure of the CPA that was copied here is not applicable
because the reason for including it in the CPA was to avoid having the C-in-C of one army
becoming the C-in-C of the other(SPLA and SAF). Such a situation does not arise here.

Whilst the SPLM argues for the continuation of the institutions of GOSS, such as the SSLA, it, at the same time “reconstitutes” the same SSLA by adding more members onto those already there. Reconstitution means dissolution of what was extant and constituting it again. Also, if the institutions of GOSS were to remain, why then introduce the “Council of States”? All these are obvious contradictions but were meant to accommodate the SPLM members and exclude the other political parties. This is contrary to the spirit of power sharing and inclusiveness agreed upon in the Conference. The fact that the President takes a new oath of office, makes nonsense of any claim to the continuation of the institutions of GOSS.

CONCLUSION
This draft constitution was tailored to fit the SPLM and is predicated on the wrong premise of the continuation of the institutions of GOSS into the independent and sovereign state. The draft Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan derives its legitimacy from the consensus of the Southern Sudanese arrived at in their Conference held in October 2010 in Juba.
For this draft to represent the letter and spirit of the Conference, the political parties must agree on the following issues:
1. The length of the transitional period.
2. A formula for power sharing between the political parties and the SPLM at all levels of government in the executive and legislative organs.
3. Affirmation of the federal system of government in South Sudan.
4. A clear provision in the constitution on a specific time for holding the general elections.
5. Amendment of the text in order to take care of the above.

The author is the leader of SPLM-DC and former Sudan's foreign minister

By Francis Ayul Yuar Nyok

June 30, 2014 - The Dec 15th 2013/2014 failed coup attempt in the capital city of Juba was instigated and led by several elements that are still by large controversial and kamikaze to say the least. The SPLM ruling party is believed to have some political and constitutional challenges since Independence. The party has not found its political consensus of how the party should modified its national political view on the vision and the system of governance: Political Analyst and Ethicists has analyzed current political developments in the country with an effort to shade logical understanding of how best to save lives of innocents' civilians being targeted across the war affected States. No one doubt the resilience efforts consolidated and directed by the Government in the person of the President and his team to restore peace and stability. Worse than this would have happened had it not been for the good citizen's support to the police and other security forces. We must accept, mistakes have happened, during this unnecessary brutal war which could have been avoided.

These mistakes were committed by individuals in the name of protecting a Government they had perceived as their tribal inheritance. We must safeguard this beautiful country from slipping in to the State of anarchy in the hand of few zealots. The mentioned three polarized political views in the conflict remained playing a greater role in the direction in which conflict is perceived. This trend has raised concerns to peace loving citizens across the nation, therefore, asking in good faith, the anointed stakeholders that amicable national political front be put in place by both portfolios while it is still at their reach since they claimed the custodianship of this country. The observed three or four political dimensions in the conflict, although there may be other political views expressed previously by other likeminded, such as Federal State outcry, the Collegial Presidency (CP) and many other views. The following are the Elites' dimensions of the conflict, the Tribal and the International communities' dimension. They are not absolutely exhaustive, thus, leaving room for other observers to add their opinions. Below we shall discuss only the three of each heading, examine its political and social implications in the current conflict.

1. The Elites' Dimensions in the Conflict
The elites, well paid Public servants in the capital, Juba and other Cities in the Republic of South Sudan knew that the Dec 15th 2013 Coup attempt was caused by a mere SPLM political rivalry. Being the ruling party in the country, its constitutional malfunction and rivalry over the directions and the leadership of the party caused a country great deal of suffering that is yet to be resolved. The elites dismissed at face value any attempt to describe this conflict as a tribal fights. It was not a tribal coup attempt, said by one of the elites, or else, why on earth would a mixed personnel from various ethnics' background end up in one basket?”. The supporters, responded with applaud, tears rolling down their cheeks. The elites knew well that this is what is required in the cities to ensure peace and order in the world's youngest nation. So we embraced it with little if at all there is any time to synthesis. This has served as chiaroscuro in the minds and the hearts of the City dwellers. The same message was rushed to villages and Payams in both Upper Nile States and other Regions of South Sudan. Diasporas were happy at first, seeing the President addressing the nation and making things apparent, many good Citizens of South Sudan hold their breath in an exclamation relief, “at least weren't going the Rwanda's way”. Why were elites rushing to such precise conclusion?, because they knew if they delayed it could be too late in a country where ethnicity and tribal stereotype has robbed it from her beautiful national Identity. It is assumed that since British left Sudan in 1956 perhaps, most if not all Southern tribes' lives relatively in their exclusive identity as different nations, foreign to each other. Perhaps British Colonial Government has failed to cohesively bring South Sudanese tribes together under one national identity. It was part of what apparently broke Anya- nya I into regional bandits and subsequently to its failures in uniting the internal front against the Islamic Arab dominated Regime in Khartoum. The same characteristics were also felt and perhaps witnessed in 1983 disagreements between the Anya nya II, whose mission was the liberation of South Sudan, as opposed to the SPLA/M whose vision and mission was the liberation for the whole Sudan from the “Arab-Islamic minority Clique Regime in Khartoum”. The elites' explanations appeared both logical and rational, considering the intertwined social-political implications had we failed to follow that path. Moreover, actors in persons of Mr. Gier Chuang d'e Aluong, Dr.Majak D' Agoot, Tong Mayai,Dr.Cirino Hiteng,ofuho Dr.Adwok Nyaba, Nyandeng d'e Garang, Deng d'e Alor, Mabior d'e John Garang, Afred Lodu Gore, Pagan Amum Okec, Oyai Deng Ajak,Madut d'e Biar Ezekial Lul Gatkuoth,etc, are not from Dr. Riek's community nor are they all Dinkas. This is all we know and assumed everybody has been made to know. In view of this situation, the crisis management committee, CMC was formed to disseminate this political view across the country. Sadly, as it's appeared later, CMC fall short at its ethno-regional politics and had to be dissolved before it becomes another saga in a country tainted with massive corruptions and tribal political exclusivity.

2. The International Community's dimension in the Conflict
The international community has their own views and concerns, although not shared by all of them in regards to east and the west. There is an international Community's political dimension in the conflict that cannot be ignored; my point is not to pass verdict between sinners and the saints(Rome 3:23), But citizen deserved rights to understand the controversial discourse in view of this shameful bloody conflict caused by mere selfish and greedy leaders of our nation. West in particular saw South Sudan as their new baby born when Peace began moving faster in 2002, and right after the Independence. They recall their heavy financial and political investments during the peace process. The American, the British, the Canadian and their ally in the region contributed to the success of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (C.P.A). The American Evangelical Churches in particular has given all they could for South Sudan to achieve Peace in 2005. They had their fears and reservation initially when movement first begun in 1983, fearing its socialist identity. It was out of that fear that the America did not support in the beginning since we had strong base in Ethiopia, until Dr. John Garang had to make his political paradigm shift clear. Until than did the Evangelicals soften their stands and start contacts with the movement's leaders in the early of 1994 in the person of the American Republican party members. The acrobat of peace negotiation process in Kenya and subsequence signing of Peace came as result of this political paradigm shift phenomenon. US took great courage to confront what they perceived as the Islamic Trojan horse incandescent in the war. North and the South Sudan Conflict dimension changed in favor of the SPLA, by virtue, South was in favor of American because of its Christian Character, a blessing South Sudan's Government has decided to apostatize after the independence. West expects South Sudan to consult in issues of global trade; foreign policy and oil Industry. The American claimed of having the legacy of the first oil discovery in South Sudan's region of Upper Nile State in 1978 seems to have given them the divine right to demands if not given. South Sudan's government fall between the rocks and hard places, found China had already entered partnership with President Omer Hassan Al Bashir in areas of Oil Exploration, Production and Exportation. It has been observed that, most African countries inherited, at independence, a set of transplanted colonial institutions of Governance that guide them in the early stages of their social, political, and economic development. South Sudan was, in contrast, born out of bitter history of internal Colonialism and humiliations. In this regards, needed to respects her counterpart in ensuring that (C.P.A) is fully implemented in returns, at the same time is in bad need of hard currency to establish a nation from crash, while continue to play safe with her hostile counterpart. Therefore Abrogating Chinese-Sudan Oil contracts in favor of America would have had us both political and economical repercussions which South Sudan does not want at that early stage. Here President Salva Kiir deserved a recognition of his unshakeable wisdom in paddling his Boat a midst dark storms. He knew there were unreconciled figures of 50% and the 26.5% oil sharing revenue South is receiving. The continuation of Chinese Oil companies in monopoly of all our Oil industry in South Sudan by large did not only influence the economic ties between two countries, but equally resulted into what West see as South Sudan's political paradigm shift back to its old socialist past. This is perhaps South Sudan's unforgiving sin of Adam a fresh. West saw our move as slap in the face, disappointment to their good intentions and support they has rendered during the war. History confirmed that such attitude is not knew, west always sees Africa as free territorial Game park, ready to be control and exploits with less regards to its inhabitants. Current western proposed political settlement in Addis through Regional led body,' IGAD talk and behavior can only be compared with Biblical King Solomon's child Court case. Both proposals of the interim Government of national Unity in the absence of justice to those killed is another culture of impunity acculturated in to the history of internal bitter wars and humiliations, setting a precedence that the many you kill, the high you climb the ladder in South Sudan. It is absurd to observe that without this current political crisis; still western ally would have continue with their imperialist advise and suggestions of how the country should be run as if South Sudan is one of their small Island to test their democratic experiments. African has been known to always blame, point-fingers, but never take responsibility for their own making; therefore it is time for South Sudanese to take charge of their mess.

3. Ethnic's dimensions in the conflict
Another dimension in this current conflict that cannot be ignored is the aspect of tribal elements introduced into conflict by both actors. Dr. Riek and his team knew very well that the only attractive message that reached the ears and the hearts of the White army has to be reinforced with the notion that depicted the Dinkas in general with less regards to their diverse political views. This was very mistake Dr. Riek and his so called White army in 1991 war of factionalism committed. Padang community had to pay a price they do not deserve. Of course most of these White armies don't come to towns often to be able to know how many of the Sons and daughters of Naath community are in Government's high positions. They were made to believe that Dinkas have killed all the Nuers in Juba, disrespected us by removing Dr. Riek Machar from the position of vice President. “We must take back what is ours” our rights, our dignity and our divinely given equilibrium. Dr. Riek Machar in his public rally in Nazir, two months after conflict irrupted made it explicit to the innocent peace loving Jikeny community that he is fighting to restore Naath's historic pride. This move was counterfeited by neighboring communities of Padang in Upper Nile State, fearing that they are being targeted because of their Ethnic affiliation. Their logical arguments were, if Nuers are avenging the death of their Sons and daughters claimed to have been killed in Juba? Why attacking Malakal,Renk,Melut, Bor and Panriang in Unity State? Are these Counties within the geographical location of Juba? Did these communities shared in the death of Naath's Sons and daughters in Juba? The answer to the above questions is obviously not, then why attacking them? Why killing innocents' men, women, children and old with less respect to more than 200 years of coexistence since LatJor's migration from the west bank of the Nile in 1629?.This throws fresh memories of 1968, 1983 and the subsequence of 1991 Baliet massacres under the pretext of White army proxy wars of extermination, “nothing change, this is a tribal war”. We are Dinkas, and must pay the eternal sin of our ancestors in Juba;. The same tribal call was repeated in Bentiu in which over 400 non Naath unarmed civilians brutally killed based on their ethnic nationalities. The order to Targets non Naath Ethnic was aired, announced and preached during the parade to the soldiers in Bentiu. We saw the devastating effect of this tribal dimension in the conflict as mentioned already. The Padang Community on the other hands hit the roads and had to mobilize for the same reasons after witnessing the massacre of over 470 civilians in Baliet County on the 3rd Feb 2014. Due to this bloody tribal trend in the conflict, our communities now got themselves in the middle of depending a country and their tribal territory.

As examined above, situation like this has change the conflict's direction and perceptions in Upper Nile, Jonglei and Unity State leaving little if any to be desire for peaceful coexistence in the future. This political dichotomy is real. We must accept this reality in our midst instead of pretending in denial. Let's find common remedy base on honesty in moving this country forward. Any country build on fault foundation don't last long. How do we correlate and reconciles these three or more political dimensions? Who will tell the trust about the nature and the character in which this conflict has developed? As observed early, majority of the youth in the conflict zones knew nothing of SPLM's Party problem in Juba. They only know that our people were said to have been killed in Juba, thus, I join the war to revenge their death. In such perception, it is a conflict between ethnic “A” and ethnic “B” why because my Mum has been killed by Ethnic B. Therefore, the Cognitive questions that stamped up than is, who will give youth the Elites' view of conflict in Upper Nile State?. I predestined that this divine truth may not be easy to tell since elites carry both the Bible and the Qu'ran, They preach water but drink wine. Third political paradigm shift therefore has had its devastating political and social-economic impact in the communities of Upper Nile State.

In Conclusion, Unless the raised polarized political views are corrected, correlated and balance, peace and reconciliation will take little chance to prevail in the greater Upper Nile State. It is a work of any national conscious political leader to embark upon healing, unity and reconciliation to bring the nation together in these political odds. ANC Leaders of South Africa faced similar situation in 1994 after the apartheid rule, choosing between dwellings in the past or forgiving and move the nation forward with its racial-political diversity. Upper Nile State Government in particular and South Sudan in general may need to do the same, putting the country first, tribe second. Our communities must be challenge to accept this hard truth that this isn't their war; rather it is the SPLM party's war, the war of elites in Juba. Few of my colleagues in the Upper Nile State cabinet stood against this ethnicized political view for the greater good of all. It is because of the efforts exerted by these few heroic individuals, most of the White army deserted front in Nasir and join their love ones. “Long live the Upper Nile State, South Sudan Oyee, Unity is strength”.

The author is a former Minister of Petroleum, Mining and Industry, Upper Nile State. He can be reached at. francisnyok@yahoo.com

June 30, 2014 (JUBA) – The governor of Western Equatoria state, Bangasi Joseph Bakosoro, has denied reports that South Sudanese president Salva Kiir was allegedly planning to arrest him alongside his Central and Eastern Equatoria state counterparts over their support for federalism.

Western Equatoria governor Joseph Bangansi Bakosoro (Photo: Larco Lomayat)

Bakosoro, Central Equatoria's Clement Wani Konga and Eastern Equatoria's Louis Lobong Lojore were recently criticised by the South Sudanese leader for supporting calls for the establishment of a federal system of governance in the young nation.

Security service members have recently advised the media in Juba to avoid reporting on the ongoing debate on federalism, as Kiir accused the three governors of failing in a trap set up by the rebels to draw the support of Equatorians to their own agenda.

Bakosoro also eluded to widespread speculations by some individuals that president Kiir allegedly intends to arrest the three governors from the greater Equatoria regions after they called for federalism during a conference held two months in the South Sudanese capital.

“These rumours are not unfounded and intended to tarnish the image of the president and the country's image alike, and should be stopped immediately,” he told reporters at Juba airport Monday.

The Western Equatoria governor said his life was not in danger and nor was he being threatened in any way.

“If there is any person who threatens me, he should kill me instead of distorting the image of the president and the image of the whole country,” Bakosoro said.

Different news portals and social media forums published reports claiming that the Konga was recently intercepted by members of the presidential guards who attempted to question him, triggering tensions between them and the governor's bodyguards.

Unconfirmed reports claimed the Central Equatoria governor was on his way to meet the South Sudanese leader when his vehicle and security escorts were allegedly stopped by presidential security.

Bakosoro refuted reports that his Central Equatoria counterpart left the country for fear of his life after the incident.

He urged the leadership to positively address the problems facing the country, acknowledge the existence of the ongoing crisis and embark on efforts essential for resolving the skirmishes.

“The issue of federalism must be discussed, it is a demand that people can accept or reject,” said Bakosoro.

He further reiterated his support for the federal system, saying “it gives people the freedom to govern themselves”.

During the 2010 elections, Bakosoro was the only governor elected as an independent candidate without the support of the ruling SPLM. However, he went on o join the party following his election.

(ST)

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

June 30, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – A former South Sudanese political detainee officially declared on Monday that he was joining the rebel SPLM in Opposition led by former vice-president Riek Machar.

Ezekiel Gatkuoth (ST)

At a press conference on Monday, ambassador Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth said he had decided to join the rebels because the group of the 11 former detainees (G-11) shares same platform with rebels in regard to political reforms that are believed to bring about changes in South Sudan.

The former detainee pledged to work for peaceful resolution to the conflict as it was stated by the agreement signed on 9 May by the two rival SPLM leaders, president Salva Kiir and Riek Machar.

However, Gatkouth said that just because he had elected to join the rebel faction didn't mean the other former detainees were also switching sides, adding the group would continue to champion the reforms.

“[I] am sure my colleagues who are in the category of former detainees, we are one and we will continue to be one. We will work together to bring changes in our country,” he said.

He said the former detainees will work together for changes with SPLM in opposition over the political reforms they have long been calling for.

Gatkouth added that working jointly was the only bridge to achieve national reconciliation in South Sudan.

He stressed a need for changing the nature of the state and political dialogue requires major change in attitude and changes in political leadership.

Gatkouth also said the G-11 were not neutral and the third bloc was in a same platform with the SPLM rebels except that they were not part of the war because they were inside.

“Now when we are outside we are going to work for peace, the same reforms that we were calling for, it is actually the same reform that Dr. Riek was calling for,” he said.

“The only thing added was the issue of federalism and for your information federalism has been demanded by South Sudanese since [the] 1940s,” he added.

The former ambassador went to say that the armed conflict frustrated South Sudan's partners and regional countries that supported South Sudanese in their long struggle to establish an independent state.

Gatkouth was detained along with 10 others on 16 December 2013, one day after president Kiir accused his former deputy of staging a coup, an allegation the latter denies.

After spending 130 days in jail, he was freed on 24 April following an initial peace agreement signed in January between the South Sudanese government and rebels.

(ST)

June 30, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – The ministries of interior in Sudan and South Sudan signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Monday dealing with a number of issues, including smuggling and border regulation.

A South Sudanese man repairs fishing nets inside a shelter in al-Ghanaa village in the Jableen locality in Sudan's White Nile state on 17 January 2014 (Photo: Reuters/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah)

The MoU was signed by the newly appointed Sudanese minister of interior, Esmat Zain al-Abdeen Abdel-Rahman, and his South Sudanese counterpart, Aleu Ayieny Aleu, who is currently on a visit to Khartoum.

“The agreement included the issues of concern to the ministries of interior and police of the two countries, and issues of anti-smuggling and regulating the crossings on the border,” Abdel-Rahman said.

He noted that “discussions on the agreement lasted for days during the meetings of the joint technical committee in Khartoum”.

“The signing is a step forward, and contributes to the convergence of views between the two sides on all contentious issues between them,” the Sudanese official said, without elaborating on disputed items.

Aleu said “the signing of the MoU represents a step for an agreement on a number of MoU's between the two countries in all fields to serve the interests of the two peoples”.

Sudanese police said in a statement that the visit of the South Sudanese minister of interior comes as the two countries move to tighten coordination and cooperation between the Sudanese police and their counterparts in South Sudan in all areas of policing, as well as the exchange of expertise on matters of common interest.

The statement said the two sides also planned to hold a joint session of talks during the visit to deal with areas of developing bilateral ties and aspects of interaction in different policing areas.

The relationship between Khartoum and Juba has been strained since Sudan's breakup into north and south in July 2011 under the results of a referendum held in January of same year.

After lengthy negotiations, the two countries signed a series of accords under the auspices of the African Union (AU) in September 2012, most notably on the exporting of South Sudan's oil through Port Sudan and a security agreement which prevents either party from supporting rebels on either side of the border.

Sudan reportedly viewed a cabinet reshuffle carried out in South Sudan last year as favourable as it excluded figures it believed were hostile to Khartoum, along with retiring dozens of army generals believed to be supportive of Sudanese rebels.

(ST)

June 30, 2014 (NEW YORK) – The head of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), Hilde Johnson, has warned of famine in the “coming months” unless the country's “worrying” humanitarian situation is adequately addressed.

The head of the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), Hilde Johnson (Photo: Getty Images)

“We are worried famine could come in a few months and this might hits levels,” Johnson told reporters in New York Monday.

She said humanitarian situation in the new nation was making it difficult to deliver aid to some areas inaccessible by road, yet not enough was prepositioned in preparation for rainy seasons.

"This is one of the biggest humanitarian crisis in the world and we are worried that famine can come within any time and hit levels that we have not seen before in the history of South Sudan", said the top UN official.

As part of her neighbouring country tours, however, Johnson said she had to go to Sudan to discuss the use of Sudanese territory to transport humanitarian aid, which the latter willingly accepted.

“There was strong willingness by Sudan to facilitate and foster cross-border humanitarian operation, which is critical,” said Johnson, also the special representative of the UN secretary-general to the world's youngest nation.

The senior official, who ends her South Sudan tenure this month, urged the warring parties to put the country and its citizens above all to pave way for peace.

“We need to see progress at the negotiating table,” said Johnson, seemingly in support of possible UN sanctions should the country's leaders fail to agree.

Since fighting broke out in mid-December last year, some 1.5 million people have been displaced while more than 7 million are reportedly at risk of hunger and disease, according to the UN.

It also sent nearly 100,000 civilians fleeing to UNMISS bases around the country, leading the mission to take the unprecedented decision to open its doors to those seeking protection.

Johnson cited the decision to give shelter and protection to civilians fleeing for their lives was “the most important achievement” of her three-year tenure as the head of UNMISS.

“The fact that we opened our gates actually has saved very many thousands of people's lives. There will be incredible challenges going forward with this decision, but it were the right one,” she told reporters.

Also crucial, Johnson stressed, was to ensure accountability for the serious crimes that have been committed and foster reconciliation among the communities.

Both South Sudan government and its rebel forces have been accused of committing crimes against humanity, including murder, rape and other sexual violence, during months of fighting that has left thousands of people dead.

“The consequences for the civilian population have been devastating. There have been attacks on hospitals, churches, mosques, and United Nations bases,” said the UN mission in the country in a 62-page report, which called for further investigations after finding reasonable grounds to believe both parties violated international human rights and humanitarian law.

(ST)

June 30, 2014 (JUBA) – The South Sudanese government says rebels under the leadership of former vice-president Riek Machar are demanding $1.5 million in ransom to release a Kenyan pilot it says delivered relief supplies to areas under the control of the opposition group last month.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Monday, South Sudan's embassy in Kenya said rebels had kidnapped the Kenyan pilot and seized his plane while he was delivering food items in Jonglei state.

The embassy described the actions of rebel forces as an “act of terror”.

“It was later on learnt that the rebels wanted ransom of$ 1.5 million in return for the release of the pilot and the plane,” the embassy said in the statement.

“This is an act of terror and the international [community] should come out and fight it to finish whether it is practiced by Riek Machar in South Sudan, Boko Haram in Nigeria or Al-shabaab in Somalia. Terrorism is the same in Tora-Bora (in Afghanistan), as it is now the case in South Sudan, practised by the so-called White Army of Riek Machar,” the statement adds.

The embassy also expressed dismissed the stance taken by some members of the international community, saying it often places a blanket of blame on both sides whenever the rebels violate the ceasefire agreement.

“The embassy seizes this opportunity to appeal to the international community in general, and the countries in the region in particular, to rise to the occasion to fulfil their responsibility as the members of the community of nations to help inform the rebel [forces] of Riek Machar to do the right thing other than the acts of terrorism, killing, destruction and kidnapping,” the statement said.

Rebels said last month that the pilot was captured after they foiled an assassination attempt on its senior command leadership.

They said a charter plane carrying the would-be assassin and pilot Philip Kipkoech Murgor was intercepted on 2 June its return to Lou Nuer areas inside Jonglei state following a meeting with government officials in the capital, Juba.

A statement released by the rebel faction contained allegations that president Salva Kiir and several senior government officials, including foreign affairs minister Barnaba Marial Benjamin, were directly involved in the plot.

The government denied the claims.

The spokesperson for the South Sudanese army (SPLA), Philip Aguer, initially said he had knowledge of a plane being confiscated.

(ST)

June 30, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – Sudanese defence minister Abdel Rahim Hussein paid a visit on Monday to government troops deployed in Alquba area north of Kutum in North Darfur state where rebel leader Ali Karbino was killed last Friday.

Sudanese defence minister Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein paid a visit to troops in North Darfur this week (Photo: Reuters)

Flanked by the state governor Osman Kibir, Hussein eulogised the Sudanese soldiers and militia forces, saying their victory “is a gift to the President Field Marshal Omer Al-Bashir from the Sudan Armed Forces on the occasion of the holy month of Ramadan”.

He praised the command of the 22 Brigade deployed in Kutum town, troops of Battalion 186 of Alquba and the Central Reserve Police, as well as paramilitary troops of the Popular Defence Forces (PDF).

He further commended the leaders of the tribal “Native Administration for their active participation in this great work”.

The report that emerged after the killing of the rebel leader ay Arab pastoralists from the area and elements of the Border Guards militia affiliated to the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) attacked the SLMJ fighters on Friday following the alleged looting of camels belonging to the herders.

It was also reported that 10 nomads were killed and several others wounded.

The leader of a Sudan Liberation Movement faction, Minni Minnawi, said two of his commanders were killed during the fighting.

The minister said he approved the allocation of all the vehicles captured from the rebels to the Battalion 186 and improve the training of its members.

Before to leave to Khartoum, the minister visited the wounded soldiers in El-Fasher Hospital.

(ST)

June 30, 2014 (JUBA) – Youth leaders from South Sudan's Bahr el Ghazal region said on Monday that they support a proposal by the council of elders calling on president Salva Kiir to step down, saying peace and unity in the country is more important than individual ambitions.

“With a great pleasure and desire for peace, we the youth from greater Bahr el Ghazal affirm our support to the leadership of the country under President Salva Kiir Mayardit. President Salva Kiir is a humble and a peace loving person which this country has ever had. Unfortunately, the current situation has taken different dimension and makes us feel that his political stand in the eye of South Sudanese people is at the stake, if he does not correct it with a strong decision,” Daniel Garang Yel, an executive member of Bahr el Ghazal Student Union, told Sudan Tribune from the Ugandan capital, Kampala, on Monday.

“We therefore agree with the proposal of our elders for the president to step aside. This is an honest call and it should be misinterpreted,” he added.

Yel said the situation in the country had spiraled out of control because of misconception that it was conflict between the two tribes than being political differences.

Meanwhile, Bol Muorwel, a student in Kenya, said had lost many of his relatives when violence conflict erupted in Juba and in Upper Nile region.

“My own people were killed in Juba. Others were killed in Bor and Bentiu. Some were civilians who know nothing about the SPLM politics it's something worse than a dream,” Muorwel said by phone.

“I have always been speechless. I can't believe something like this would take place in my country because of leadership ambition,” he added.

Muorwel, who was in Juba last year when political differences within the leadership of the governing Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) showed warning signs, claimed the deaths in the months that followed were allegedly part of a plan to break the opposition by forcing the army to come in and impose martial law.

He said the world should hold president Kiir responsible for the violence, which he compared to some of the worst actions of dictators of the past.

The United Nations said both South Sudan government and its rebel forces committed crimes against humanity, including murder, rape and other sexual violence, during months of fighting that has left thousands of people dead and displaced nearly 1.5 million people.

(ST)

June 30, 2014 (KAMPALA) – Church leaders and women's group in South Sudan's Unity state have voiced their support for a federal system of government amid growing calls for its implementation.

Abraham Tuach Kiir, a bishop from Evangelical covenant church of South Sudan in Upper Nile state, said the church was backing the introduction of federalism in the country.

Kiir said a federal system was the best hope of ending conflict in the country, which erupted in mid-December last year after escalating political tensions within the ruling SPLM turned violent.

“It (federalism) would minimise some of the problems in South Sudan because it is [a] good system,” he said.

“We are playing a role as a church to advocate support of federal system,” added Kiir.
Regina Tap Dalang, from Unity state's Leer county, said federalism was the only option that would guarantee women greater participation in the country's affairs.

“We look at the federal system [to] pave a way for our children for a better future of education and employments opportunities,” she said.

Samuel Gai Kuiynin a resident from Unity State says a federal system in South Sudan would help create more job opportunities.

He said currently many young graduates were unable to find jobs and past their times simply “loitering around under trees”.

“The government always blame the youths [for problems], but they don't have the jobs,” he said.

“I do support the [introduction of a] federal government; that would be [an] opportunity for us, we [the] youths of South Sudan,” he added.

Meanwhile, a Unity state MP who spoke on condition of anonymity said the formation of a federal system would likely reduce crime through stronger laws and amendments to current legislation.

“[A] federal system will address the gap between the communities who are making crises among themselves,” the lawmaker said.

She also believes federalism will also help address geographical tensions among South Sudanese people.

“Some communities in South Sudan live in disputes due [to] undemarcated borders between [the] states,” she said.

The MP dismissed claims by some communities that formation of a federal system of governance would deny others access and benefits from natural resources and development.

As calls grow across Sudan for a federal system of governance, the government has cautioned against ongoing debate on the matter, saying restoring peace and social harmony should be the country's first priority.

Presidential spokesperson Ateny Wek Ateny told Sudan Tribune last Tuesday that the question of governance should be determined by citizens in a referendum once stability had been restored.

South Sudan's rebel faction is also demanding the introduction of a federal system, saying it would help ensure equitable resource distribution among all states and curb violence and corruption in the country.

(ST)

July 1, 2014 (JUBA) – South Sudan's government admitted on Monday that it needs international assistance to avoid collapse in the coming months triggered by the outbreak of conflict in mid-December last year.

Civilians arrive to take refuge at a UN compound near Juba airport after fighting erupted in the capital on 15 December 2013 (Photo: Rolla Hinedi/UNMISS/AP)

The violence has pitted troops loyal to president Salva Kiir against rebel forces aligned with former vice-president Riek Machar, leaving thousands dead and displacing over 1.3 million people.

Speaking to Sudan Tribune on Tuesday, foreign affairs ministry spokesperson Mawien Makol Arik dismissed South Sudan's ranking as the world's most “fragile state” in an index compiled by US-based Fund for Peace (FPP).

Some of the key factors cited for the ranking included fractious leadership, mass killings and ethnic violence.

However, Arik insists the government is taking more concrete steps to manage the crisis in comparison to other conflict-affected states at the top end of the index.

“After the fighting started in December, within one month, the government accepted to [take part in] talks to the rebels and we are succeeding,” said Arik.

His comments follow remarks by deputy parliamentary speaker Mark Nyipuoc last week, who said it was unfair to compare a new nation like South Sudan to more established countries.

He likened South Sudan to a two-year-old child that had not had adequate time to fully develop and mature.

The report, released last week, displaced Somalia from the top spot for the first time in six years.

However, Arik said the indicators considered by the organisation could not be managed by South Sudan alone, calling for more international support to address the current crisis.

“We (South Sudan) unfortunately went into crisis that turned our country [away] from [the] development path to humanitarian management,” he said.

“We can be a failed state if the international community stands idle,” he added.
South Sudan gained independence from Sudan in July 2011 following a referendum promised in a 2005 peace deal that ended more than two decades of civil war.

Since then the world's newest nation has struggled to maintain law and order and deliver essential services, with corruption alleged to have siphoned off billions of public money.

In 2012, president Kiir wrote to 75 current and former senior government officials requesting they return $4 billion in funds.

Machar, has openly criticised Kiir's leadership style since his sacking last July, claiming that massive corruption and nepotism are rife and that the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) had lost its vision.

Officials in Machar's rebel faction said last week they were unsurprised by South Sudan's top ranking on the list.

Machar's spokesman, James Gatdet Dak, slammed comparisons between the county and a child, saying it was the government's responsibility to ensure the country's affairs were well managed.

“Even if we were to take that line of argument which likens South Sudan to a two or three-year-old child, we would also have expected the child to grow like a normal, healthy child. The so-called child should have crawled fast, walked and even run by year three, 2014. These are the assuring positive indicators of a healthy growth into adolescence and adulthood,” Dak told Sudan Tribune on Sunday.

“Unfortunately the reverse has happened as the child is paralysing, a clear indicator that it is not a healthy child. This is a grave concern to the people of South Sudan and to the sympathising world at large,” he added,

The Failed State Index is compiled annually by the FFP based on an assessment of 12 key social, economic and political indicators, including demographic pressures, poverty and economic decline, human rights and political impasse.

The top six most fragile states were all in Africa, including Sudan at number five, with Afghanistan, Yemen, Haiti and Pakistan rounding out the top 10.

(ST)

By Amb. Francis Nazario

July 1, 2014 - The aspiration of free people in a free country is liberty, a functional government that is capable to provide security and tranquility for the citizens in order to enable them to develop and prosper. South Sudan with its diversities needs not only to seek individual liberty for all its citizens, but also to look for peace among the different communities. Besides individual freedom, peace among communities is one of the main objectives to seek in a multi-cultural Country. In order to promote peace among the different groups, an agreement has to be reached for a political systems which can provide special tools to facilitate the reduction of tendencies of creating centres vis-à-vis peripheries. People should rather look for system that emphasize multiple loyalties. A system that provides autonomy for the different communities on a territorial basis.
The government should promote the nation-wide Party systems which imposes a national character for its formation, which could be an additional tools for reducing the intensity of regional nationalism.

the unfortunate eruption of conflict in our beloved country on December 15th, 2013 that continues to unleash devastation and inflict untold suffering on the civilian population in South Sudan, should be put to end. Hoping that it is the last one, in the youngest Republic in the world we have already experienced in several rebellions in our territory since the year
2005. We have witnessed the rebellions of, General Gabirel Tangynya, followed by the one General Peter Gadet, and then the one of General George Athor, and the then of the General David Yau Yau all were in the greater Upper Nile region. The current civil so far has been the most devastating and has cost the country until this moment a lot of human life's which is estimated to about 17000 death, and over one million of internally displaced persons, lost of property and destruction of towns.
Because of this conflict, South Sudan is now ranked the most fragile state in the world, it is widely considered to be at brinks of collapsing and facing a serious turmoil which is threatening its existence.

The reasons, which have been advanced by the different rebellions, included, exclusion marginalization, and discrimination among others . No doubt all South Sudanese want to live equally in this country, that no one should be treated differently for whatever reason.

All the people of South Sudan should enjoy equal citizenship by law. It is paramount for the country to put an end to the ongoing conflict, to start by addressing these grievances, set up the rule of law which will pave the way for a lasting peace.

Since the signing of May9th agreement between the President Salva Kiir and his former deputy Dr Riek Machar, the leader of the armed opposition, there are now hopes appearing at the end of the tunnel for Peace Agreement to be reached and the formation of the interim government that would prepare the way for the political future of South sudan, to tackle the question of which government system for our country, we should know what type of government we should advocate for as citizens.

The currently high debates about federal system vis-à-vis Decentralized system for South Sudan ( brought by the CPA)is proving that South Sudan is still repositioning herself on the global stage of political and socio-economic stability. Having keenly observed and gone through lengthy debates of why federalism is an option or not for South Sudan. It is indeed a healthy review for South Sudan It has shown that South Sudanese are at least doing some re-thinking and re-discussing what is good for the people of South Sudan. Federal system is all about giving autonomous powers to a region or a state within a diversified united country. This autonomy could as well be applied to the counties and payams depending on the constitutional frame work of South Sudan. If South Sudan is ready to accommodate diversity, autonomy could be used as a tool to accommodate diversities. Autonomy is feared and rejected with arguments that it prepares the way to secession, leads to disintegration, undermines harmony within the state, and creates important inequalities. Consequently autonomy is also regarded as an impediment to integration and instead systems of multi- ethnicity based on individual human rights are advocated in the belief that minorities will be to foster their special identities within the melting-pot or multi-ethnic system.

South Sudan is in dire need of an inclusive political settlement that addresses the underlying causes of the crisis and sets up a new inclusive political order. South Sudan undoubtedly doesn't need a new war, but needs a new political dispensation. Unfortunately, South Sudan has inherited a political leadership that failed to rise to promote a clear vision of unity. Hence, the Republic of South Sudan has turned into a great disappointment and a defeat for the people of South Sudan and all their friends . While its various political leaders proven to be insensitive towards the agony and plight of its citizens are bickering over procedural issues,

the people of South Sudan are facing daunting existential challenges and a very gloomy future in their newly independent state.

For South Sudan to regain normality and finally live in peace, the negotiators from the two warring parties, due to sit in Addis Ababa ( Ethiopia) should necessarily address and agree on the following:
­ The system of Governance, that suits South Sudan

­ The root causes of the conflict

­ The injustice and the inequality felt by many people in the new state

The people of South Sudan in its majority are eager to see finally a Peace agreement is reached and being signed with some guarantees for it to be respected and fully implemented by the interim government.
As concern citizens we are aiming at an agreement that brings all the people of South Sudan to a common understanding on how this country should be governed and an agreement that puts an end to the inequality in power sharing, wealth sharing, opportunities distribution among all the communities of South Sudan. The agreement should and set a clear program and a road map for the interim government. We expect to see in the agreement:
­ a clear mention of the need for an urgent reforms of the following areas:

­ The security sector ( to avoid the domination of any branch of the security by one community)
­ The civil service ( to fight nepotism in recruitments, promotion and deployment) and fight all the related ills of corruption)
­ The Constitution

­ Financial management system in the country

­ Fight against corruption

­ a mention, of the non- inclusion of corrupt individuals in the interim government,

­ Non inclusion of people allegedly committed atrocities and crimes against humanity in the interim government
­ No impunity in the Republic of south Sudan

The author can be reached on fgnazario@yahoo.fr

June 30, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – The South Sudanese former vice-president and leader of the SPLM- in-opposition defended his call for a federal system of governance stressing it will accommodate the country's diversity.

South Sudanese rebel leader Riek Machar gives a press conference in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, on 12 May 2014 (Photo: AFP/Zacharias Abubeker)

In an exclusive interview with Tesfa-Alem Tekle, Sudan Tribune correspondent in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, Riek Machar said that South Sudanese have been calling a federal system since 1947, adding that the idea of self determination emanated from this demand.

"History shows that this has been the demand of the people of South Sudan and in actual fact they developed this demand to a point of calling for the right of self-determination," he said.

He further pointed to Switzerland's federal system, to illustrate how much federalism can positively respond to the South Sudanese diversity.

“In Switzerland there are four nationalities that lived in harmony when they established federalism. So the same we are a diverse nation, there are nationalities, ethnic groups there are people of different cultures,” he said.

President Salva Kiir rejects Machar's demand for federalism saying the country is not ready to implement it. The South Sudanese head of state further accused Machar of using this to draw the support of South Sudanese particularly the Equatorians.

In his lengthy interview with Sudan Tribune, Machar developed the concerns they have on the way and manner that IGAD mediators are handling the peace talks.

He criticized the method adopted by the mediation saying they take decisions on behalf of the negotiating parties stressing that the two rivals should make the decisions.

“The driving force should not be the IGAD. IGAD should be the moderator. They bring us together since we are willing to come together under the auspices of IGAD, the parties should drive the process,” he explained.

He also downplayed the differences with the group of SPLM political detainees saying they share the SPLM platform and the agenda for political reforms in the country.

As part of the efforts to find a way out of the six month-old conflict, the rebel leader said he is planning to pay visits to the US, China and other western countries.

He vowed to continue the struggle to achieve democratic reforms in the new nation.

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Below is the full text of the interview with the rebel leader in which he explained why he had to establish an armed movement and his future plans as pro- democratic reformist.

REGIONAL TOUR

QUESTION: You are recently making a regional tour including plans to pay visit to Sudan and Djibouti, what is the aim of your regional tour and what do you expect from the IGAD member states?

ANSWER: I want to explain what has happened on the 15th of December 2013. President Salva kiir has been moving in the region in IGAD countries and in the Great Lakes countries telling them that I have made a coup. I haven't made a coup. Even when the 11 of my colleagues were in prison the charge against them that they have made a coup is false to me. There was no coup. Of course there was fighting in the presidential guards on the 15th [December]. Salva is responsible for them.

So I want to tell to the world and the region in particular IGAD that is mediating that I haven't made a coup. I am innocent and being innocent. The false charge of making coup has damaged my reputation. South Sudan was born out of a democratic process exercise of self-determination by the people of South Sudan.
I have plans to visit Djibouti and Khartoum and I hope I will do that when the time comes. I also want to explain to the regional leaders the importance of peace being brought back to South Sudan. The mediators have a big role so that there is no delay in attaining peaceful settlement.
These are the main reasons of my tour to IGAD member states.

CHINESE ROLE

QUESTION: Why haven't you paid visit to the US, China or other western countries?

ANSWER: I do have plans. I was supposed to have met the Chinese envoy on the 26th of this month, but he has not come. Also, I have expressed my readiness to pay a visit to China because China is the major partner in oil in South Sudan.
The oil operations have partially stopped in western oil fields in Unity state and if the conflict continues the eastern oil fields will also stop. Therefore it is important that we share ideas together with China.

I understand China is supporting the peace process. I was told China has paid 3 million US dollars to support the peace process. What China is doing is good. So, it is important they [the Chinese] know how we think so we still have to pay a visit china.

QUESTION: How about to the US and western nations?

ANSWER: With regards to US it is within my plan. First, I am sending a delegation to the US, my deputy [Gen Alfred Ladu Gore]. He is processing his documents and he will lead a delegation to the US. Hopefully when he comes back I will also pay a visit to US, not only to the US, but also to other European countries.

CONCERNS OVER IGAD PEACE PROCESS

QUESTION: I spoke to many South Sudanese living here in Ethiopia. They have reservations on the IGAD-led peace process. Are you happy with the way IGAD is handling the peace process?

ANSWER: We have concerns starting from day one. First we appreciate that IGAD took up the challenge to mediate and bring about peace to South Sudan. But we have concerns.

QUESTION: What are your concerns?

ANSWER: We have concerns that they [IGAD] make decisions that affect South Sudan with the presence of two countries that are fighting us. The government of South Sudan sits in the summit when they are making decisions about peace and president Museveni sits in the summit when they are talking about South Sudan.

I have raised these concerns and because of the decisions they make in our absence now we have complications. You remember the idea of having an IGAD protection deterrent force. We resisted that. We gave alternative suggestions. We said we would like an IGAD protection force but integrated to the current UNMISS forces so that they don't have a different command so that the mission is one.

Currently in South Sudan there are nearly nine different forces. The Uganda has two forces, one fighting us and the other fighting the LRA with different commands. The Sudanese rebels [inside South Sudan] have four factions with different commands, the South Sudan army, the SPLA with government forces, our forces and UNMISS forces.

If we were to allow for another separate force with a different command, we would have ten, the country would be devastated. So, we say it is best that we reach an agreement that the two forces of Uganda and the four forces of Sudanese rebels withdraw from South Sudan and the IGAD forces are integrated to the UN forces. We remain with three forces, government forces, ours and UNMISS forces. That way we will know what goes wrong in the country.

QUESTION: Do you probably suggest the peace process is moved to the African Union (AU) or the UN?

ANSWER: We have concerns with the mediation. First of all the IGAD is making decisions on behalf of the warring parties and I think this is wrong. The warring parties should make the decisions. The driving force should not be the IGAD. IGAD should be the moderator. They bring us together since we are willing to come together under the auspices of IGAD, the parties should drive the process.

They shouldn't impose issues which any of the party does not appreciate. For example we initiated the stakeholders to be participant. We want them participant in consultative manner. We don't want them to be negotiating with us because we have no problem with them but we appreciate that we consult them.

We hear their views on what we are discussing. They contribute that but the negotiations must be directly between us. This I hope will be the way forward since the two parties want direct negotiations between themselves with IGAD facilitating instead of IGAD imposing issues themselves. But this concern doesn't mean the mediation be moved to UN or AU. I think we can debate with the mediators and they can understand. I understand the view of the Ethiopian Prime Minister who is the chair of IGAD and his view is similar to us.

FORMER DETAINEES

QUESTION: Your negotiating team has worked hard to the release of the former detainees. What is your point of view on the position of the formerly detained political leaders who refused to join your negotiating team in the peace talks? Do you feel betrayed?

ANSWER: The 11 former detainees are our comrades. We share one platform, the SPLM platform. We share also the agenda of reform with them.

When the incident of the 15th [December] occurred they were arrested. I wasn't arrested. I managed to escape not because I was involved in any matter but I was suspicious why such an incident should happen.

There must be an underline reason for it and I felt the president wanted to assassinate all his competitors. In this they were arrested. I escaped and took me time to figure out what to do finally with those who were with me, and we established a resistance. We didn't consult them on the resistance.

We had discussions with them [former detainees] they don't want to be involved in an armed struggle. So, that is left to them. Armed struggle is important for change even if you want to get the minimum to make Juba negotiate. This is important.

We are calling on them to join us. I can't say they have betrayed us because that will be left to them what they want to do and above all you can't force somebody to join an armed struggle.

TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT OR NATIONAL AGREEMENT

QUESTION: Recently you and the president have signed a new agreement that calls to end fighting and to form a unity government within 60 days. Do you think you will be able to form transitional government in less than two months now?

ANSWER: The most important thing to do is to reach an agreement; an agreement which will be a base for governance and a base for law-making in the country.

Now if we got such an agreement, it has to be implemented by a transitional government of national unity. So you can't form such a government before you reach a political agreement, addressing the root cause of the problem, restructuring the state, a program for national reconciliation and healing and for accountability.

If these things aren't addressed and you form a government, that government will fail in a same day. So my position is that reaching an agreement first and then forming a government as a product of the agreement. Let me not be pessimistic I will leave that to the negotiators.

FAKE GENERAL

QUESTION: Recently I spoke to Maj. General John Wiyual Chol Tang. He is the chairman of South Sudan Republican Party (SSRP) and South Sudan Revolutionary Force (SSRF). He alleged to have met you at the bushes in Nasir where the two of you agreed to join your forces to fight government forces. Will you admit making that arrangement?

ANSWER: We welcome anybody who has forces to join us in the fight. I don't know such an agreement but we welcome any body to join us in the fight because we need people and we can't refuse anybody.

Our acting chief negotiator [Gabriel Changson Chang] is from a different party. He is not SPLM but from the very start he was affected and he was from an affected party and we welcomed his request. He is also a member of our leadership council [chairman for national committee for finance and resource mobilization]. So we recognize diversity even within our own party.

INTERIM GOVERNMENT WITHOUT YOU?

QUESTION: Will you accept an interim government that excludes you or Salva Kiir or both of you?

ANSWER: I am interested in getting an agreement that addresses the root causes, restructuring of the state so that the problem doesn't reoccur and brings about national reconciliation and accountability in the country. What comes up as a government as product of it to me is imitating. It would be premature to say x should be there and x shouldn't.

QUESTION: Recently, South Sudan vice-president, James Wani lgga said members of the SPLM in opposition should be excluded from getting seat in the interim government. What is your reaction on that remark?

ANSWER: I think he is oblivious about the fact that an agreement is between the two parties. If you exclude one of the parties that make an agreement from which a transitional government will come, I think he isn't being realistic.

If he wants to form now their own government they can reshuffle their own government ten times as they wish and we won't be participating in it but if it is a government which is a product of a peace agreement which we hope to sign, I think it will be unrealistic to say one party be excluded from it which would mean there is no agreement.

FEDERALISM

QUESTION: Your group is in support of federal system of governance which government is against. Do you think the South Sudanese people are ready to accept this new system of governance?

ANSWER: It has been a demand of people of South Sudan since 1947. All governments have failed to implement federalism system of government in South Sudan since 1947. History shows that this has been the demand of the people of South Sudan and in actual fact they developed this demand to a point of calling for the right of self-determination.

QUESTION: Do you think federalism will help solve problems in South Sudan?

ANSWER: Sure. Take the history of Switzerland. It has the experience of 700 years in federalism. They started even when they didn't know the word federalism but it is that system of governance they established.

In Switzerland there are four nationalities that live in harmony when they establish federalism. So the same we are a diverse nation, there are nationalities, ethnic groups there are people of different cultures. So what will bring us together is a system of governance that accommodates our diversity and that is the federal system of governance.

DIFFERENT VISION NOT POWER STRUGGLE

QUESTION: Many political analysts labeled the political crises in South Sudan as power struggle between the two SPLM factions particularly between you and Salva Kiir. What is your reaction on these comments?

ANSWER: It is not. You can't say it is a power struggle. Initially we were the same party, SPLM. I raised issues that I felt even when I was in government that needed to be corrected: One, corruption which was rampant. Two, tribalism, which was being instituted. Three, insecurity, which was happening. Four, lack of development. Five, the poor relations we had with foreign countries in a very short time and six, the SPLM grassroots which needed serious transformation of the SPLM into a political party.

Six issues I raised while I was in the party. The president however didn't feel alright about it and he decided to introduce violence into this conflict. We wanted reform so it is not personal struggle between me and president Kiir. But superficially people are saying it is a personal struggle but it isn't.

When he removed me I accepted although I was his running mate in one ticket but for sake of peace and stability I accepted his decree because I said come in 2015 elections, I will contest.

QUESTION: Is it true that SPLM in opposition has used child soldiers in the recent fighting?

ANSWER: The forces that call themselves SPLM/A are regular forces. There are no child soldiers.
But the volunteer fighters are child soldiers. The volunteer fighters are civilians and the culture in the area is that once you are initiated to manhood even if you are 15 years old you are a man and you can go to battle.

This is the problem. We have been telling the volunteer fighters that it is against the law. It is against child right convention and against the law in South Sudan that people under 18 years are taken to combat. But we are struggling with the deep rooted culture. We however don't recruit child soldiers.

QUESTION: Do you have any message you want to convey?

ANSWER: Well, my message is to the readers of Sudan Tribune. I want to tell them again we didn't make a coup in South Sudan. We are not coup makers. There was only a plot hitched by President Salva Kiir to get rid of his comrades in the SPLM/A, and therefore he made that statement and propagated it. If he would have caught me then we would all be dead and the story would have stuck that we made a coup. We didn't make a coup. We are democrats.

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July 1, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – Sudanese presidential assistant Ibrahim Ghandour has underscored that the leader of the National Umma Party (NUP), al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, is remains fully committed to the national dialogue process, saying he only wants further contact among participants.

Opposition Umma Party leader and former Prime Minister Al-Sadiq Al Mahdi speaks during joint news conference with Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir (R) after their meeting at Mahadi's house in Omdurman August 27, 2013 (REUTERS/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah)

At the end of January, Bashir launched the national dialogue initiative aimed at holding a comprehensive conference on a new constitution and ways to end the armed conflicts in the Two Areas and Darfur. He also issued a number of presidential decrees to ensure freedom of expression, press freedom and creating a conducive environment for this political process.

However, the National Umma Party (NUP) and the Reform Now Party (RNP) suspended participation in the dialogue process in protest against al-Mahdi's arrest last month and what they said was a government crackdown on political and media liberties.

Ghandour, told reporters following a meeting of the National Congress Party (NCP) youths secretariat on Tuesday that al-Mahdi did not mention at any point in time his intention to leave the dialogue.

Al-Mahdi on Thursday launched a new dialogue initiative which seeks to unite all Sudanese forces including the rebel alliance of the Sudan Revolutionary Forces (SRF) besides asking the international community to lift economic sanctions and cancel foreign debts in return for achieving comprehensive peace and democratic transformation.

The presidential assistant scoffed at accusations by opposition parties that the NCP disavowed the national dialogue, accusing them of abandoning dialogue and affirming his party's commitment to the process.

He accused unnamed two opposition parties within the national dialogue mechanism of being hesitant towards the dialogue process, expressing his party's readiness to immediately begin the meetings of the mechanism.

The NUP suggested that it intends to set new conditions in order to resume participation in the national dialogue stressing that this process cannot start from the point where it stopped prior to the arrest of its leader al-Sadiq al-Mahdi.

The RNP on the other hand said that a new thesis of dialogue must replace the current one.

The dialogue mechanism, which is headed by president Bashir, includes seven members from the government side and an equal number from the opposition. The mechanism work was suspended following arrest of al-Mahdi on May 17th.

GOVERNMENT READY FOR NEGOTIATIONS

Meanwhile, Ghandour underscored that the government is ready to engage in negotiations with the rebel Sudanese People's Liberations Movement/North (SPLM-N) on the Two Areas if it receive an invitation from African Union (AU) mediation team.

“We are waiting for the invitation and we are ready to engage in the negotiations anytime and anywhere”, he said.

He doubted the SPLM-N intention to engage in the negotiations, saying the other side is still reluctant to attend.

The border states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile state have been the scene of violent conflict since 2011 when the SPLM-N launched an insurgency against the Khartoum regime.

Peace talks between the two parties remain deadlocked after they failed to reach a common ground for negotiations. While the government says it is only willing to discuss the conflict in the Two Areas, the SPLM-N is demanding a comprehensive peace process.

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July 1, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – The speaker of the Sudanese parliament, al-Fatih Izz al-Din, expelled the head of the Popular Congress Party (PCP) parliamentary bloc, Ismail Hussein, from a session on Tuesday devoted to a draft bill on amendments to the country's 2008 electoral law.

Popular Congress Party (PCP) parliamentary bloc head Ismail Hussein (Ashorooq TV)

The national assembly began deliberations on the controversial draft bill during the session, which was boycotted by major opposition parties despite an invitation extended to them by the speaker.

Verbal altercation escalated when the speaker offered the head of the parliamentary sub-committee on Economics and Financial Affairs and secretary-general of the Islamic Movement (IM), al-Zubair Mohamed al-Hassan, the opportunity to speak during the deliberations on the amendments.

The member of PCP bloc, Emad al-Din al-Bushra, objected to the speaker's move and demanded that he follows the regulations which stipulates that heads of blocs should speak before heads of the parliamentary subcommittees.

“We only recognise the bloc of the National Congress Party (NCP)”, the speaker responded angrily.

Consequently, the head of the PCP bloc challenged the speaker to follow the regulation but the speaker asked him to remain silent before ordering him twice to leave the room.

“You are not a guardian on MPs, this is a farce”, “Expel us or put us in prison, do whatever you want but we won't be humiliated”, Hussein shouted while leaving the room.

The remaining bloc of PCP MPs withdrew from the session following Ismail's expulsion.

MP Hussein Sabahi described the speaker's approach as “harsh” but he was interrupted and asked him to sit down.

“This will be our approach as of today”, the speaker said

Following the session Ismail told reporters that the speaker dealt with him in an autocratic way.

“The regulation defines the parliamentary blocs and the speaker must follow it”, he said.

He added that the speaker doesn't have the right to annul existence of parliamentary blocs and claim he only recognises the NCP bloc, describing the move as violation of the regulations.

Ismail further said they would consider boycotting the next sessions.

The parliament approved the report of the parliamentary subcommittee on Legislation, Justice and Human Rights about the draft bill in the general features' stage.

The head of the subcommittee, Tahani Tor al-Dabba, pointed the amendments aims to secure participation of small political parties and other categories in the parliamentary practice, saying the draft bill would focus on expanding participation base and taking responsibility.

Meanwhile, the secretary-general of the Political Parties Affairs Council (PPAC), Mohamed Adam Ismail, underscored that amendments to electoral law were products of discussions and workshops held with the participation of the political forces, saying these amendments serve interests of various political parties and enable them to in the regional and national legislature.

According to the government-sponsored Sudan Media Services (SMC) website, Ismail said participation of political parties in the deliberations on the draft bill would offer a great opportunity for achieving consensus on it and securing commitment following its approval.

“Participation of political parties and civil society organisations in the deliberations on the draft bill would necessarily mean their commitment to it”, he added.

Sudan's general elections are set to be held in April 2015 but opposition parties threatened to boycott it saying the NCP holds absolute control over power and refuses to make any compromises to end the civil war and allow public liberties.

In a speech before the members of the Shura (consultative) Council of the NCP on Thursday, president Omer Hassan al-Bashir underscored that next year's elections will be held as scheduled without delay.

Many observers and opposition figures assert that NCP insistence on holding the election as planned will all but kill the national dialogue process called for by Bashir earlier this year.

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July 1, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – Sudan's National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) on Tuesday informed al-Tayeb Mustafa, the owner of al-Saiha newspaper, that the daily can now resume publication after more than a month of suspension.

Journalists demonstrate outside the press and publication council against the closure of two Islamist newspapers Alwan and al-Rai al-Shaab in Khartoum February 7, 2012 (Reuters)

The editor-in-chief of al-Saiha, Yasser Mahjoub Hussein, told Sudan Tribune that they signed a pledge to the NISS that the newspaper will adhere to professionalism and accurate reporting and abide by the constitution and laws while taking into account national security.

Hussein defended their pledge, saying it does not breach journalistic norms and revealed that the deal was a result of Bakri Hassan Salih, Sudan's first vice-president, instructing NISS officials to sit down with the newspaper's management to resolve the dispute.

Last May, NISS director Mohamed Atta Abbas al-Moula ordered the suspension of al-Saiha after it published stories on corruption at the justice ministry. The famous amongst which was the corruption accusation against the current undersecretary of the justice ministry, Esam al-Din abdel-Gadir.

The Sudanese minister of information Ahmed Bilal Osman said at the time that the NISS has the legal right to suspend al-Saiha and any media raising confusion and dissension in the country.

The state security prosecution led a raid on the headquarters of al-Saiha, following the suspension over suspicion of violation of Article 55 of the Criminal Code, which prohibits circulating government documents outside the official channels.

But Hussein insisted that avoiding corruption stories was not incorporated in the pledge they signed with the NISS.

The security apparatus enjoys far reaching powers in Sudan and is entitled under the National Security Act to shut down newspapers and confiscate an entire edition. It also sends its officers to screen stories before they go to print.

On Tuesday, the NISS confiscated today's editions of al-Taghyeer and al-Akhbar newspapers.

Al-Saiha editor-in-chief said that even though the NISS told them they can return to work on Wednesday, logistical considerations forces them to delay it till Sunday.

The NISS media department welcomed the return of al-Saiha and urged it to continue to discharge its mission with professionalism and responsibility, and noted the critical importance of balancing between freedom and responsibility “for the benefit the nation and the stability of society".

Hussein said that the newspaper incurred heavy financial losses due to suspension and said that frustration dominated the editors during that time, as well adding that the staff was jubilant over the NISS decision.

He has previously estimated the financial losses at 30,000 pounds.

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